对提高领导干部政治素质的几点理性思考     

开哇 《青海师专学报》2001,21(1):71-73

对新时期如何提高体育场干部的政治素质等方面进行了比较深入的探讨，并提出了自己的观点。  相似文献   

再论英语教学的教育性     

罗雁 《临沧师范高等专科学校学报》2006,(4)

德育教育关系到一个国家国民素质的优劣,而学校教育则是德育教育的主阵地。学科教学是德育的主载体,也是对学生进行思想政治工作的主渠道。英语教学是整个教育工作的一部分,应该遵循"提高全民族的思想道德和文化素养"这个总目标。因此,英语教师应积极进行英语学科德育渗透教育的研究和实践,充分发挥英语学科教学的德育功能。  相似文献   

加强"两课"在高校思想政治教育中主渠道和主阵地作用的思考     

张丰 《喀什师范学院学报》2005,26(5):78-80

从四个方面阐述了“两课”教学中存在的普遍问题,并从提高教师素质、改进教学方法、领导重视三方面提出了创新“两课”教学,发挥其在高校思想政治教育中主渠道和主阵地作用的方法。  相似文献   

The Effects of Darkness and Lightness Cues in the Visual Depiction of Political Actors Involved in Scandals: An Experimental Study     

Christian von Sikorski 《Communication Research Reports》2018,35(2):162-171

Reports about political scandals have increased lately. Yet the general impact of news visuals and the specific role of lightness and darkness cues in images of scandalized politicians remain unclear. With the help of an experiment, the present pilot study examined the influence of candidate images and the effects of particular image backgrounds (light versus dark). While the foreground of the image depicting a politician involved in a scandal remained unchanged, the background was systematically altered. The results revealed that a light background had a positive effect on recipients’ attitudes toward the politician. In contrast, participants exposed to a dark image background demanded a more severe punishment for the politician.  相似文献   

Susceptibility to Deception in a Political News Interview: Effects of Identification,Perceived Cooperativeness,and Ingroup Vulnerability     

David E. Clementson 《Communication Studies》2018,69(5):522-544

This article explores people’s susceptibility to political deception. Participants watched a news interview in which a politician either answered all the questions or deceptively evaded a question. In Study 1 (n = 202), deception is perceived through the dodge being irrelevant for voters who do not identify with the politician. In Study 2 (n = 618), partisan voters consider the politician more deceptive, and acting more deceptively, when the politician has their opposing party affiliation, independent of whether he dodges. When the politician shares their party identification, voters identify with the politician more and consider his responses more relevant. Findings are consistent with theoretical positions of identification, the cooperative principle, and social identity.  相似文献   

全球化和信息化背景下高校思想政治理论课的教学困埔与教改策略     

冯飞龙 《安康学院学报》2011,23(6):114-116

在全球化和信息化的时代背景下，我国大学生群体出现了政治信仰迷茫、理想信念模糊、价值取向扭曲、社会责任感缺乏等一系列不容忽视的问题，高校思想政治理论课教学正面临着严峻挑战。因此，研究高校思想政治理论课教学困境的成因，并寻求教改策略，是当前摆在广大思想政治理论课教师面前的一项重要课题。  相似文献   

Pathways of Immigrant Political Socialization: Examining the Role of News Media,Social Connections,and Community Interaction     

Wenlin Liu  John Gastil 《Journal of Intercultural Communication Research》2014,43(3):238-263

Going beyond the traditional socioeconomic status model of political participation, this study examines pathways that lead to the sociopolitical incorporation of immigrants in the USA, with a focus on the role of communication socialization agents. Using a Current Population Survey sample of 7,626 first-generation immigrants in the USA, results show that communication socialization agents significantly contribute to immigrants’ political socialization, and an important mediating path translates political learning into greater political engagement. Results also identify ethnic differences in how socialization variables affect immigrants’ socialization.  相似文献   

The Saljuq Turks’ Conversion to Islam: The Crusading Sources     

Nicholas Morton 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2015,27(2):109-118

This article contributes to the important debate over the conversion of the Turks to Islam. Previously, it was thought that the Turks abandoned their former steppe faith and customs very swiftly to become staunch Sunni Muslims, but this view has recently been challenged by a number of studies. The current consensus seems to be that the Turks’ adoption of Islam was a process of far longer duration, spanning many decades. This article broadens this discussion by demonstrating that the chronicles written by the First Crusaders contain much useful information that is pertinent to this question. It works through these texts, showing that they can shed new light on this point.  相似文献   

Kinship,Camaraderie and Contestation: Fāṭimid Relations with the Ashrāf in the Fourth/Tenth Century.     

Shainool Jiwa 《Al-Masaq: Islam & the Medieval Mediterranean》2016,28(3):242-264

The founding of the Fā?imid caliphate across the southern Mediterranean, and then in Egypt, Syria and the ?ijāz at the turn of the fourth/tenth century, necessitated its negotiation with the ashrāf, those who claimed lineal descent from the Prophet Mu?ammad, and who by this time had gained significant influence as a social class based on their charismatic descent. While other dynastic powers fostered relationships with various members of the ashrāf, the Fā?imid–ashrāf dynamics were distinctive in that the Fā?imids legitimised their rule as Ismā?īlī Shī?ī imām-caliphs, based on their claim of descent from the Prophet Mu?ammad, and as the sole successors to his authority and leadership over the Islamic world. Consequently, Fā?imid–ashrāf relations were permeated by fraternal camaraderie as well as by competing contestations based on their shared claim to Prophetic lineage.  相似文献   

高校思政“金课”建设的教学探索——以“伟大民族精神”课程为例     

华玲 《重庆电子工程职业学院学报》2020,(1):118-123

在新时代背景下,“金课”概念和标准的提出为高校思想政治理论课改革创新提供了新的契机,建设思政“金课”势在必行。“伟大民族精神”是习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的重要内容之一,也是高校思想政治理论课的重要教学内容。基于“金课”建设的标准,以“伟大民族精神”内容教学的视角,着力探讨高校思政“金课”建设之道,提高思政课教育教学的实效性。  相似文献